Issue 2 Is a $2.5 Billion Mistake
VOTE NO ON MAY 6
Issue 2, which proposes taking on $2.5 billion in new debt for state-run infrastructure projects, runs counter to the principles of a true free-market system. Economic growth should come from the voluntary decisions of individuals and businesses—not from government mandates and top-down spending, both of which have been hallmarks of the DeWine administration.
A Few of his Favorite Things: Mandates and Massive Spending
Ohioans who lived through Governor DeWine’s handling of COVID-19 know firsthand that supporting small businesses has never been a priority for his administration. While countless small businesses were forced to close, big-box retailers and Planned Parenthood were allowed to remain open. The inconsistency was glaring—and it sparked public backlash.
DeWine Will Sign Business Fairness Act
By March 2021, 30.4% of Ohio small businesses remained closed compared to pre-pandemic levels—placing Ohio 21st out of 45 states. Governor DeWine has shown a clear preference for government planning over private-sector growth. If you believe in limited government, personal freedom, and the power of free markets—VOTE NO ON ISSUE 2.
COVID-19 small business closures in Ohio pegged at 30.4%
Issue 2 Creates Dependency - Not Prosperity
Issue 2 would saddle Ohioans with $2.5 billion in new debt for state-run projects that may not benefit most residents. If a project is truly viable, private investment should fund it; if not, taxpayers shouldn’t foot the bill. By shifting costs statewide, Issue 2 encourages wasteful, politically-driven spending, crowding out private investment and slowing growth. Why should taxpayers in Miami County be paying for a new bike path in Cleveland or smart meters in Cuyahoga County? It also pressures local governments to chase state grants for government-picked projects, rather than focusing on what’s best for their communities. This undermines local decision-making and leads to wasteful spending on projects that don’t address real needs.
Ohio should prioritize a business-friendly climate, not borrow billions for government-chosen pet projects. Vote no on Issue 2.
Grassroots Freedom Initiative has done an excellent job breaking down Issue 2. Visit their website for ballot language, shareable graphics, and a helpful summary.
Ohio’s Economic Development Deals: A Pattern of Failure
Thanks to the Ohio Republican Reformist for their detailed post, Free Markets, Not $2.5B in Debt: Why Ohioans Should Reject Issue 2. Below are a few key takeaways from the post on how the DeWine administration has repeatedly used taxpayer-funded incentives to support high-profile economic development projects that ultimately fail or fall short of promises. For the full analysis, visit their substack.
Microsoft in Licking County
Governor DeWine tied Microsoft’s $1B data center plan to Intel’s semiconductor project, claiming a "Silicon Heartland" was emerging.
By April 2025, Microsoft canceled the project due to global market changes, leaving taxpayers on the hook for infrastructure upgrades that now serve no purpose.
Intel in New Albany
In 2022, Intel announced a $20B chip fab campus, heavily subsidized (up to $2B) by Ohio taxpayers.
The first facility, promised by 2025, is now delayed to 2030 or later due to market shifts and financial struggles.
The economic benefits were front loaded for political credit; the risks and delays are now hitting taxpayers.
Lordstown Motors
Ohio awarded $24.5M in incentives to Lordstown Motors, which promised 1,000+ jobs.
The company never produced a viable product and filed for bankruptcy in 2023—leaving no return on taxpayer investment.
GM, the original plant owner, previously received $60M in incentives but closed the plant anyway.
Battery Plants & Dubious Deals
GM and LG Chem received $13.8M in incentives for a lithium battery plant in Lordstown.
Named “Worst Economic Development Deal of the Year” (2020) by the Center for Economic Accountability.
Critics argue the project’s success depends entirely on global EV trends—not on government subsidies.
Bigger Picture: The Risk of State-Led Development
Across solar, wind, data centers, chip fabs, and EVs, a recurring theme emerges:
Political hype leads to misallocated capital.
Taxpayers fund projects with no guaranteed return.
Market forces—not government incentives—decide outcomes.
Why Ohio Taxpayers Should Be Cautious of Issue 2: Lessons from the FirstEnergy Scandal
As we consider the implications of Issue 2, it's imperative that we reflect on Ohio's history of political scandals, particularly the FirstEnergy scandal, which has been called the largest bribery scandal in Ohio’s political history. This scandal serves as a reminder to taxpayers of the dangers of unchecked power and spending, and why they should be cautious before supporting any measure that could further burden the state's resources.
I recently watched the newly released HBO documentary that explores the HB6 bribery scandal and exposes dark money corruption in Ohio. After viewing, I took some notes and put together a summary. I highly encourage everyone to watch the documentary. With that being said, I do not agree with some of the opinions expressed, particularly the attempt to juxtapose the Issue 1 constitutional amendment to expand and create unlimited abortion in the state with the HB6 scandal.
New HBO documentary digs into Ohio bribery scandal as case study for dark money corruption
Summary:
In 2010, a landmark U.S. Supreme Court decision, Citizens United v. FEC, profoundly changed the American political landscape. The ruling allowed corporations and special interests to spend unlimited amounts of money on elections, as long as the funds weren’t given directly to candidates. This loophole led to a surge in so-called “independent expenditures,” funneled through Super PACs and 501(c)(4) nonprofits. These groups could spend freely to influence elections and policy issues, and just as importantly, they could hide their donors. The candidate with the most financial backing usually won, and with enough dark money, state legislatures across the country could be effectively purchased.
By 2016, Larry Householder, a former Ohio House Speaker, had returned to the Statehouse and was seeking to reclaim the gavel. Householder reconnected with Neil Clark, one of the most powerful and notorious lobbyists in Ohio’s history. The two had worked together before. Householder had even hired Clark as a consultant in 1999. By 2003, Householder had been swept up in earlier corruption investigations, though he was never charged. This time, he assured Clark they would stay away from anything illegal.
But old habits resurfaced. Householder recruited a slate of loyal primary candidates, backed by massive infusions of dark money. Their campaigns were funded not through transparent donations, but through untraceable contributions laundered through 501(c)(4)s. One such group, Generation Now, was secretly controlled by Householder and used to boost his allies. Once enough of his candidates won, 52 in all, Householder was elected Speaker again in 2019. You might be surprised by the lawmakers who accepted financial support during that period—despite Larry Householder’s prior history of corruption investigations.
26 Republicans voted for Householder
You may be even more surprised by the list of Republican lawmakers who voted in opposition to Larry Householder’s expulsion from the Ohio House of Representatives.
Ohio House expels speaker Householder: How local lawmakers voted
The FBI had already taken interest. Special Agent Jeffrey Williams, supervising the Cincinnati office, was leading an investigation into Neil Clark, who seemed to be involved in nearly every major “pay-to-play” scheme in the state. Undercover agents posing as businessmen seeking favorable legislation stumbled onto something much bigger: a sprawling criminal enterprise that revolved around Householder and his quest for power.
The centerpiece of the scheme was House Bill 6 (HB 6), dubbed the “Ohio Clean Air Program.” In reality, the bill was a $1.3 billion bailout for two aging nuclear power plants owned by FirstEnergy, a utility company based in Akron. Although the bill was written in a way that suggested any energy company could apply for subsidies, it was clearly tailored for FirstEnergy. The company had long been criticized and fined for pollution, and its plants were on the brink of closure. HB 6 would save the plants, preserve jobs, and, not coincidentally, yield hundreds of millions in personal profit for top executives.
Householder aggressively pushed HB 6 through the General Assembly. Representative Dave Greenspan, wary of the pressure he was receiving to support the bill, contacted the FBI. Despite opposition, Householder used his grip on the legislature to pass the bill in record time. Pro-HB 6 advertisements began flooding the airwaves—paid for by Generation Now and other groups funded by FirstEnergy.
The FBI soon confirmed that Generation Now was the shell entity Householder was using to conceal the flow of money. From there, cash was routed to other PACs and ultimately to the campaigns of lawmakers loyal to Householder. In return, he offered rewards, like help with favored bills, or punishments for disloyalty. It was a pay-to-play machine fueled by dark money.
After HB 6 passed and was signed into law by Governor Mike DeWine, a coalition of environmental, consumer, and oil and gas groups launched a repeal effort. Their goal was to collect enough signatures to force a referendum on the law, letting Ohio voters decide its fate. But the Householder machine fought back hard. DeWine has stated that the donations he received from FirstEnergy had “no impact” on his decision-making and were “within the bounds of campaign finance laws and the Citizens United ruling.” While some sources have alleged that the FBI declined to investigate DeWine due to his prior role as Attorney General, during which he reportedly helped secure positions for several agents, no concrete evidence has emerged to substantiate these claims. This statement was not made in the video and reflects my own sources.
Matt Borges, former chair of the Ohio Republican Party, was recruited to help crush the repeal campaign. He reached out to Tyler Fehrman, a GOP operative working with the repeal coalition. At a Columbus coffee shop, Borges offered to “take care of” Fehrman if he’d spy on his own team by tracking signature gatherers and leaking strategy. Fehrman, disturbed by the offer, went to the FBI, which asked him to wear a wire and continue meeting with Borges.
Meanwhile, Borges had Fehrman followed by private investigators, and Neil Clark and Householder’s network were doing everything they could to kill the repeal. Signature gatherers were harassed and intimidated, and entire companies were paid not to collect signatures. According to Fehrman, Clark and Householder’s team made it clear: they would stop at nothing to preserve HB 6. The FBI, now armed with recordings and wiretaps, traced more than $60 million in bribes from FirstEnergy to Householder and his allies.
Eventually, the repeal effort failed to gather the necessary number of signatures. But the case was far from over.
In July 2020, Larry Householder, Neil Clark, and Matt Borges were arrested and charged with bribery and racketeering. It was the largest public corruption and money laundering case in Ohio history. The charges revealed a “handshake-for-cash” culture where legislation could be bought and sold. One FirstEnergy executive, according to reports, stood to make $100 million personally if the bailout passed—and it did.
Shockingly, even after being indicted, Householder was re-elected to the Ohio House in 2020. The scandal exposed the dangerous power of dark money and the ease with which a government system can be hijacked when transparency is stripped away.
In 2023, Larry Holder was sentenced to 20 years in prison for racketeering conspiracy involving $60 million in bribes. He is now appealing his conviction, arguing that his actions were protected by the First Amendment, citing Citizens United and other recent Supreme Court decisions. Matt Borges was sentenced to 5 years for participating in a racketeering conspiracy. In 2021, Neil Clark, who was facing federal charges, reportedly committed suicide. Former PUCO Chair Sam Randazzo, appointed by DeWine in 2019, was a well-known lobbyist for FirstEnergy. He was charged in the House Bill 6 scandal and admitted to receiving a $4.3 million bribe from FirstEnergy shortly before his appointment.He was reported to have died by suicide in 2024.
Along with Householder, Matt Borges, and Neil Clark, Householder’s campaign strategist Jeffrey Longstreth and FirstEnergy lobbyist Juan Cespedes were also named in the 2020 criminal complaint and later pled guilty to racketeering charges. In his posthumously published memoir What Do I Know? I’m Just a Lobbyist: A Sicilian Never Forgets, Clark wrote: “The demise of the DeWine/Husted ticket will certainly end, if there is any truth to what Juan Cespedes told a mutual friend after he pleaded guilty… Cespedes fingered longtime lobbyist Bob Klaffky and others who attended an October 10, 2018 meeting at the Columbus Club, where DeWine allegedly agreed to accept a $5 million contribution from FirstEnergy in exchange for supporting the planned bailout.”
Lt. Gov. Jon Husted and Gov. Mike DeWine each received $1 million in dark money from FirstEnergy as the utility pushed for House Bill 6. Records show early financial support for Husted’s 2017 gubernatorial campaign via the dark money group Freedom Frontier, which later backed the DeWine-Husted ticket. Internal communications reveal Husted worked behind the scenes to sway DeWine’s support for the bailout bill. Though neither has been charged, their close alignment with FirstEnergy and frequent mentions alongside convicted figures like Householder and Randazzo continue to raise serious concerns. And while DeWine and Husted ultimately secured office, questions still linger—especially as key players like Juan Cespedes and Jeff Longstreth have pleaded guilty. Whether Cespedes and Longstreth serve time or, in typical Ohio fashion, meet a sudden “suicide” before too many questions are asked, remains to be seen.
FirstEnergy Gave $1 Million to Boost Ohio Lt. Gov Husted’s Campaign Before Scandal, Document Shows
Coroner rules Ohio utilities commission chair accused in House Bill 6 case died by suicide
Further questions about DeWine administration’s involvement in Ohio bribery scandal
Friends, I wish I could tell you that Ohio’s corruption is limited to a few bad actors in the legislature. And that after reaching to the lowest depths of the largest bribery scandal in our state’s history, we’ve finally turned a corner. But I can’t. The truth is, the problem of dark money and political corruption is far from over—because there’s no will to fix it. We’ve lost our moral compass. We’ve lost our fear of God.
Some of you have asked why I’ve taken some time to step back following the November election. Part of it is personal: my family and work responsibilities have grown, and as a homeschooling mom going back to school, I’ve had to shift my focus.
But part of it is also disillusionment.
Most people on the 66 member Republican State Central Committee, though there are a few exceptions I can count on one hand, aren’t there to serve the people. They are there to promote themselves, working for or seeking to gain favor or appointments from elected officials, or to cozy up to elected officials they treat like idols. This isn’t what public service should be.
When I ran for the Republican State Central Committee, my goal was to reform my party by helping to root out corruption, increase transparency and accountability, and advocate for conservative legislation. To a certain extent, I have achieved those goals. However, I am in the minority and simply do not have the majority of members that are willing to make changes to our bylaws, submit resolutions that would help to advance conservative legislation, or to hold our past and current chairman accountable for unethical actions.
Corruption runs deep—not just in the state legislature, but in our state and county party leadership. It’s thick, suffocating, and threatens to silence those who love God, fear Him, and strive to act justly, love mercy, and walk humbly with Him. The system isn’t just broken—it actively resists righteousness.
While I will continue to represent the people of District 5 to the best of my ability, my mission has shifted. I’ve realized that political reform is not the answer, because true change requires transformed hearts—and only the Holy Spirit can do that. As Scripture says, “The heart is deceitful above all things, and desperately wicked…” (Jeremiah 17:9, ESV).
I now understand that God did not place me here to fix the party, but to speak truth. My role is simple: to warn, to expose, and to call our leaders to repentance—regardless of the cost or response.
“And you shall speak my words to them, whether they hear or refuse to hear, for they are a rebellious house.” (Ezekiel 2:7, ESV)
3 from my household will be voting NO tomorrow. Thank you for all that you do!!
Thank you! I will be voting NO tomorrow when I work at the polls.